
Afghanistan and Pakistan have gone through some difficult times over the past nine years. The Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, seems to run hot and cold on his next-door neighbor, alternately excoriating Pakistan for supporting extremists or trying to strike various deals with the Pakistani government to support his increasingly shaky position at home.
But now Karzai’s national security advisor, Rangin Dadfur Spanta, has gone on the offensive, penning a series of editorials in domestic and international newspapers, as well as giving extensive interviews to the Afghan media. His message is clear: the trouble in Afghanistan stems from Pakistan, and the international community, more specifically the United States, should take steps up to and including imposing sanctions on the recalcitrant country.
Spanta’s harsh rhetoric supposedly puts him at odds with Karzai, who has maintained a determined silence in the face of mounting evidence that Pakistan is, in fact, playing a double game in Afghanistan. During the very public Wikileaks scandal, in which over 75,000 leaked U.S. government documents exposed many of the fault lines in the U.S. war effort, Karzai did not react at all to dispatches that appeared to confirm the involvement of Pakistani intelligence officials with Taliban operations, and even with alleged assassinations plots against Karzai himself.
Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan were stormy indeed during the military regime of Pervez Musharraf. But after the collapse of his government in 2008, Karzai seemed ready to embrace his successor, Asif Ali Zardari, calling him “friend and brother.” The two countries seemed to be on the road to close cooperation.
But persisting allegations of Pakistani support to the Taliban and other insurgent groups, such as the Haqqani network, soured the friendship.
Pakistan has rejected the reports, but the Wikileaks documents, among other sources, show that Pakistan has not softened its approach to Afghanistan.
Kabul’s political observers are now pondering whether Spanta was speaking on his own initiative, or at the behest of his president.
Presidential spokesperson Hamid Elmi said that whatever views Spanta expressed represented the official position of the Afghan government.
Political analyst Mahmoud Saiqal sought to explain the apparent contradiction.
“For the past few months there has been a secret deal in the works between the Afghan government and Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI),” said Saiqal. “President Karzai was not able to react against Pakistan for supporting the Taliban. But the recent remarks by his national security advisor show that the deal has fallen through.”
The pressure is now on the international community to take steps to rein in Pakistan. But in spite of the fact that the United States has reliable information pointing to ISI’s support for the Taliban who are fighting and killing U.S. forces every day in Afghanistan, it has not threatened any strong action against Pakistan.
According to Saiqal, the United States has its own reasons for turning a blind eye toward Pakistan’s alleged transgressions.
First of all, Pakistan is a strategic ally of both the British and the Americans in the region. It is a key regional player in the mind of the West. Secondly, Pakistan has shown that it can handle crises in the region. It has played a major role in favor of the West on several occasions, and it is a strong country with a fairly stable government.
Third, the United States no longer commands the power it once had in the region; it needs to work with Pakistan, it cannot dictate to it.
And finally, Karzai’s seesawing on both Pakistan and the United States has made Pakistan seem a source of stability for the West.
But political analyst Wahid Mojdah believes that Spanta’s comments signal a widening disagreement with the ranks of the Afghan government.
“The recent remarks by Spanta show that the president has problems over regional policy not only with his neighbors and the West but with his own fellows,” said Mojdah.
According to Mojdah, Karzai’s changeable stance towards his international partners, as well as the general weakness and inefficiency of his government, have forced Islamabad to deal with the United States and Britain on Afghan issues
“Karzai’s government has always faced challenges in its relations with Pakistan,” said Mohjdah, “With his double-faced policy, he sometimes calls Pakistan a good friend and later he addresses it as an enemy. “
Political analyst Ahmad Saeedi, a former Afghan diplomat in Pakistan, believes that the June sacking of National Security Chief Amrullah Saleh and Interior Minister Hanif Atmar was done under pressure from Pakistan
“Those two figures, particularly Amrullah Saleh, were releasing documents about Pakistan’s interference (in Afghan affairs), and that was not acceptable for Pakistan,” he said.
Karzai has sought a softer stance on Pakistan to facilitate reconciliation with the Taliban, say observers. In this he has not consulted with his fellow countrymen, many of whom are fearful of a return of the Islamic fundamentalists. Spanta’s comments could signal that the dissatisfaction with Karzai’s outreach to the insurgency is not sitting well, not only with the political opposition but within his own ranks.
In one of his articles Spanta said that he expected to be forced to resign. But Karzai has not asked him to leave. Nevertheless, said Saeedi, Spanta could expect that his outspokenness might well get him ejected from his position of government insider before too long.

