Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, whose roles in Afghanistan have ranged at various times from Prime Minister to insurgent leader fighting against the Afghan government, is back at the center of controversy. A delegation from Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e-Islami party has approached the Afghan government with
a 16-point peace pan that contains preconditions ranging from withdrawal of foreign troops to significant changes in the Constitution.
But even though negotiations with the armed opposition are being widely discussed within the Afghan administration and among the foreign community, many observers consider Hekmatyar’s plan completely unacceptable. His preconditions are seen as a reversal of the democratization process, as well as a brake on women’s rights and civil freedoms.
Presidential spokesman Waheed Omar sought to put the best possible face on the negotiation process.
“It is still too early to talk about approval or rejection of the proposal but it is good news that Hezb-e-Islami’s delegation came to Kabul and visited the president,” he said. “Opening the way towards negotiation is a good start for achieving peace.”
But women’s rights activist Gulalai Habib rejects any possibility of compromise with Gulbuddin and his party.
“Hezb-e-Islami, and its leader are hostile towards democratic principles and civil freedom,” she said. “The demands of this party are in complete opposition to the achievements of the government over the past eight years, things like democracy, freedom of speech, and women’s rights. Accepting Hematyar’s preconditions, such as the withdrawal of foreign troops, means precipitating Afghanistan into civil war. It would mean the end of democracy and civil freedom.”
Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e-Islami party has been fighting alongside the Taliban for the past eight years, against the Afghan government and the U.S.-led coalition. Hekmatyar himself is on the UN Security Council’s black list of terrorist leaders, and Hezb-e-Islami has carried out many attacks over the past eight years. One of the most spectacular against French troops in Surobi district, in which ten French soldiers were killed.
In video footage released two years ago, Hekmatyar said that his party was the only political group able to establish an Islamic government in Afghanistan. His speech on the one hand raised questions about the religious nature of the Afghan government, and on the other hand, challenged the religious claims of the Taliban. A few weeks later He appealed for dialogue with Afghan President Hamid Karzai, but for many reasons nothing happened at the time.
Now the time is more propitious for negotiations, and Hezb-e-Islami seems to be leading the charge. The details of its 16-point peace plan are not clear, but the main outlines have been given to the media: withdrawal of foreign troops, establishment of a transitional government within six months, changes to the Constitution and new presidential elections in 1390 (2011).
Political analyst Asef Baktash, believes that the latest military pressure from US on the Taliban and other armed opponents forced Hekmatyar to come to the table.
“We see that Hezb-e-Islami has installed its former members in the government – men such as Farooq Wardak, the education minister; Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal, the minister of the economy; Juma Khan Hamdard, the governor of Paktika province, and many others. They are still loyal to Hekmatyar and have never asked for separation from the party.
“Hekmatyar’s reconciliation plan is only for political reasons because he seeks to get power by any possible way and he doesn’t really have any redline.” He added.
According to Baktash, if Hematyar wants to stop fighting, he should accept the constitution like other jihadi parties, and continue his political campaign through legal means instead of by force.
Haji Farid, a parliamentarian member and a former member of Hezb-e-Islami, said that the government should accept some of the party’s preconditions. “Hezb-e-Islami should be considered as an important partner for achieving peace,” he said. “As Hekmatyar joins the government, the level of insurgency will decrease.”
Political analyst, Haroon Mir disagrees. “Hezb-e-Islami is not as strong as it was in the past to continue armed resistance against the government,” he said. “So whether or not it joins the government, it does not seriously affect the security condition.”
In the past, Hekmatyar maintained his insistence on his preconditions, primarily the withdrawal of foreign troops. His recent flexibility is under question now.
According to Mir, it shows that for saving himself, Hekmatyar has no other way, except reconciliation.
“Hekmatyar is just trying to save himself,” said Mir. “There is now more military pressure on the armed opposition, and Pakistan has been arresting insurgent leaders.”
The Taliban and Hezb-e-Islami clashed in Baghlan recently, during which the Taliban disarmed and killed several members of Hezb-e-Islami. This occurred just a few days before Hezb-e-Islami’s delegation comes to Kabul.
One Taliban commander told Newsweek that Hekmatyar’s proposed compromise with the Afghan government has had no effect on the Taliban. This commander claimed that Hezb-e-Islami’s whole power is less than a local Taliban commander.
The government of Afghanistan has been placing more and more emphasis on peace talks, and is scheduled to hold a major peace jirga in the first week of May.
But civil society and human rights advocates say that any talks with the armed opposition are a violation of their interests unless consideration is given to transitional justice and the rights of those who suffered during Afghanistan’s decades of war.
Given Hekmatyar’s background, analysts doubt that bringing him into the government will further the cause of peace.
“We understand that Hekmatyar has always been fighting and dealing to gain power and has never shown political stability in his stance,” said Haroon Mir. “He always works for his own benefit, not for peace in the country.”

