When President Hamid Karzai took the oath of office in November, he promised the nation a government that would be reflective of all of Afghan society. Apparently, the image was not to the liking of the Parliament, which soundly rejected 17 of Karzai’s 24 Cabinet picks at a stormy meeting on January 2.

The move has been variously interpreted as a gathering of opposition to the government or a clever plot by the president to cut out those to whom he is politically indebted.

But as the international community readies itself for the London Conference on Afghanistan later this month, the chaos in Kabul is likely to signal trouble ahead for Karzai’s efforts to establish a warmer relationship with his foreign allies, who have been aloof since the troubled elections that returned Karzai to power this fall.

The seven nominees who squeaked by are among Karzai’s closest advisers: Minister of Defense Abdul Rahim Wardak, Interior Minister Hanif Atmar, Education Minister Farooq Wardak, Minister of Information and Culture Sayed Makhdom Rahin, Agriculture Minister Mohammad Asif Rahimi, Finance Minister Omar Zakhilwal, and Commerce Minister Wahidullah Shahrani.

But those rejected included some major figures in Afghanistan’s political pantheon: Mohammad Ismail Khan, jihadi leader and strongman of Western Afghanistan, was nominated to hold onto his position as Minister of Power and Energy. Parliament rejected him by a vote of 111 to 119.

Anwar ul Haq Ahadi, leader of the Afghan Nation party, and a former finance minister failed to gain the votes needed to become Minister of Economics. Others who failed to make the grade were those nominated by Karzai’s vice presidents, some of whom were jihadi leaders prominent in the war against the Soviet Union in the 1980s.

The administration expressed dismay at the parliament’s action, but has not proposed any radical measures.

“Unfortunately, the parliament rejected competent figures nominated by President Karzai,” said presidential spokesperson Siyamak Herawi. “But it is the parliament’s Constitutional right to accept or reject any nominee.”

Karzai’s allies who supported him in last year’s presidential elections were not so philosophical.

Junbish-e-Milli, the political movement headed by General Abdul Rashid Dostum, issued a statement condemning the parliament’s move.

“Three minister-nominees supported by Junbish-e-Mille were rejected, which is not acceptable for us; we will get together with our allies to take a decision in this regard.”

Dostum’s support was critical in helping Karzai gain victory in the Uzbek-dominated provinces of Northern Afghanistan; Dostum is immensely popular among his fellow Uzbeks, and was a major figure during the civil war.

Hezb-e-Wahdat, a party chaired by Mohammad Mohaqeq, also saw some of their nominees rejected. Mohaqeq had reportedly been promised generous rewards for his support of Karzai, and the loss appeared to rankle. Mohaqeq, a leader of the Hazara ethnic group, is claiming that ethnic considerations motivated the Parliament’s vote.

“The reactions of Dostum and Mohaqeq, arguably Karzai’s most powerful electoral allies, show that a gap is opening up between the president and his political bedfellows.” Omar Sharifi, a political analyst in Kabul stated.

He believes that the parliament’s action is a direct challenge to Karzai and could jeopardize his ability to carry out his duties.

Throughout the election process and its turbulent aftermath, Karzai repeatedly rejected the notion of a coalition government, saying instead that he would support a government of national unity.

But his choices clearly showed that he was using his Cabinet nominations to pay off political debts – most of his picks were drawn from the alliance that supported him during the election.

Some observers have speculated that Karzai may even have welcomed the parliament’s rejection of some of his nominees, as a way of ditching some of those whose support he needed for his election but may now find burdensome.

Parliamentarian Sardar Mohammad Ogly is one who believes that Karzai orchestrated the parliaments actions, supported by allies within the legislature.

Others, such as political analyst Wahid Mojhda, believe that Karzai has little need to cater to his erstwhile allies.

“This is Karzai’s second and last round,” said Mojhda. “He cannot run for president again. He does not pay so much attention to his supporters.”

Mojhda also believes that Karzai planned the whole process whereby parliament rejected his nominees.

“One of the ministers told me that the president told him to wait for the second round of nominations,” said Mojhda.

According to Mojhda, Parliament carried out its demarche as a way of demonstrating that is was capable of acting decisively. Parliamentary elections are on the horizon, and they wanted to show what they were capable of. But in fact, said Mojhda, the Parliament and the president merely carried out a previously planned scenario.

“President Karzai is not concerned about his rejected nominees,” said Qaseem Akhgar, editor of the Asht-e-Sobh daily. “ In fact, he used this opportunity to place his favorites, who are supported by the international community, in positions of power. He also managed to rid himself of the pressure exerted by his electoral allies to place their people in the government. I think Karzai’s (next) choices will definitely get a vote of confidence.”

Sayeed Massoud, a lecturer at Kabul University, said that the parliament’s rejection of Karzai’s picks showed that it has gained in skills and experience. He also dismissed the allegation that the Parliament had been motivated by ethnic considerations in its deliberations on the Cabinet.

Massoud pointed to the fact that Ismail Khan is a Tajik, while Ahadi is Pashtun. Both were rejected, proving, in his estimation, that ethnic background did not play a major role. Instead, Parliament was giving Karzai a wake-up call to exercise more care in forming his next Cabinet.

Now all are waiting to see what the next step will be. Parliamentarian Ogly thinks that the next vote on the Cabinet will go more smoothly.

“The circumstances will be totally different then,” he said. “ The president will be introducing his own choices, and they will be confirmed.”

Many are asking whether some of the rejects will be among the new nominees. Sharifi thinks this is unlikely.

“Karzai was playing a game with his allies,” he said. “ This time he will nominate the people he really wants.”

According to presidential spokesman Herawi, the most important criterion in choosing ministers is loyalty to the president.

But the whole spectacle of the Parliament failing to confirm the majority of Karzai’s nominees is likely to make Afghanistan’s foreign partners uneasy. As the international community prepares for the London Conference on Afghanistan, scheduled for January 28, they will be following developments closely.

Mohmood Saiqal, a former deputy minister of foreign affairs is not optimistic.

“The failure of 70 percent of Karzai’s nominees to gain confirmation has undermined his international reputation,” he said. “They may think about bringing changes in the leadership of Afghanistan. With the current situation, we will not see unconditional assistance given by the international community to the Afghan government.”