From Right to Left: Osama Bin Laden, Mullah M. Omar, Gulbuddin HekmatyarMullah Omar is changing his tune. In a message issued on the occasion of Eid al Fitr, which celebrates the end of the holy month of Ramadan, the Taliban leader included references to possible negotiations with the Afghan government and its international supporters, mentioned previously taboo subjects such as women’s education, and gave assurances to Afghanistan’s neighbors that the Taliban would foster cooperation and good relations.

Another key point in the message was a reference to “a national Islamic revolution” – a clear departure for Mullah Omar, who has assumed the title “Amir-ul-Momineen (Leader of the Faithful), which presupposes that all Muslims everywhere should follow his directives.

Just as surprising, the Taliban leader invited the mujaheddin – the Afghan fighters who battled and defeated the Soviet Union – to cooperate with the Taliban in driving foreign forces out of Afghanistan. In previous communiqués, the mujaheddin had been branded evil and corrupt, and the Taliban had fought fiercely with the mujaheddin until the U.S.-led invasion drove the fundamentalists from power.

Ahmad Shah Massoud, legendary mujaheddin commander, was assassinated by two Al Qaeda operatives posing as journalists, at a time when Al Qaeda and the Taleban had close ties in Afghanistan.

These signals point to a softer tone than the Taliban have used in the past. Mullah Omar now calls on his followers to respect the lives and property of civilians, and even advocates reconstruction and development.

“The economic, social and cultural programmes of the Taliban can not progress without sincere, intellectual, professional and experienced Afghans,” he said.

Previous messages were more reminiscent of the Taliban during their era of power in Afghanistan: all exhortations and threats, branding everyone other than the Taliban as the enemy, insisting that women should remain in their homes, and advocating the fight against Western governments and Western values.

These were the issues about which Osama Bin Laden had issued a fatwa in 1998; at the time it was said that Mullah Omar had also signed the document. But now the Taliban leader has said openly that the group is not a danger for Western countries. It is just propaganda by the Western governments and their media that has shown the Taliban in an unflattering light, he insisted.

Echoes of this more conciliatory tone were found in recent statements by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leader of the Hezb-e-Islami faction. Both he and his party have been labeled as terrorists, alongside the Taliban.

But in a video message Hekmatyar declared his support for President Hamid Karzai, provided the foreign forces leave Afghan soil.

But many are questioning the sincerity of the Taliban’s softer stance.

In the month since Mullah Omar’s message was published, several cities in Afghanistan have witnessed suicide bombs, rocket attacks, and other violence that has killed scores of civilians, including women and children.

Hadi Arghandiwal, leader of a separate branch of Hezb-i-Islami, believes that the new tone represents a genuine change in the position of the Taliban and Hematyar.

“Looking at the current situation and the perception of political realities from the point of view of Hekmatyar and the Taliban, this change in rhetoric indicates a strategic shift,” he said.

But Arghandiwal insists that the Taliban is still ideologically bound to Al Qaeda.

“These two groups will not get far from each other,” he said. “Separation from Al Qaeda would be political death for the Taliban.”

Abdul Wakil Mutawakil, foreign minister during Taliban government, does not see a radical departure from Mullah Omar’s earlier positions.

“I believe that the Taliban position has not changed much from the past to the present,” he said. “It is just the publishing of this message and the reaction to it is due to media expansion which was not possible in the past.”

As for the reference to a national Islamic revolution, Mutawakil did not see any difference with the Taleban’s earlier position.

“The title of Amir-ul-Momineen during the Taliban time was also restricted to Afghanistan,” he said. “It did not affect other countries of the world.”

After the ouster of Parwiz Musharraf, former Pakistan president, and the election of Asif Ali Zardari, military pressure on Taliban increased in Pakistan. The administration of U.S. President Barack Obama also increased military forces within Afghanistan, putting pressure on the Taliban and hezb-e-Islami.

Many people see the more conciliatory rhetoric of Mullah Omar as a response to this stepped-up pressure.

"The Eid message had huge differences with the Taliban position in the past,” said political analyst Dastgir Hazhbar.  “Looking at the regional military pressure and the length of this war, the Taliban have brought basic changes to their policy and want to get some distance from their past approaches. However looking at the background of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and his political games, we cannot trust his statements, since Hekmatyar has always been influenced by Pakistan.  I suspect his recent comments about the expulsion of foreign forces from Afghanistan and support for the Karzai government were expressed under the influence of Pakistan’s politics.”

Others agree that Pakistan is the source of the change in language – not only for Hekmatyar, but for the Taliban as well.

“I think that we will never see any positive changes in the position of the Taliban or of Gulbuddin’s Hezb-e-Islami until there is a basic change in Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan,” said Qasim Akhgar, political analyst and editor of Asht-e-Sobh daily. “These recent statements by Hekmatyar and Mullah Omar’s message have also been issued on the instructions of Pakistani officials.”

According to Akhgar, another reason which could cause a change in rhetoric could be the presence of some elements within the Afghan government that would like to see the Taliban and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar join the ranks of power.

This position is based on the assumption that the Taliban is distinct from Al Qaeda, and is primarily an Afghan movement. But others are just as adamant that the Taliban and Al Qaeda are inextricably linked, and are terrorist groups fundamentally opposed to democracy and freedom.

“Over the past eight years we have seen that the president and some government officials have made serious efforts to bring the Taliban to power as an official party,” said Akhgar. “This is definitely rooted in tribal affiliations.”

There have also been changes in the government of Pakistan, he pointed out, and a coalition between the governments of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia has been created which supports the Afghan Taliban.

“I believe that Mullah Omar’s new emphasis, in which he talks about women’s education and economic issues, and where he does not refer to Al Qaeda, is designed to bring a shift in the public mindset and decrease US military pressure on the Taliban, giving this group a window to enter the government,” he said.

But is clear that, whatever the shift in rhetoric, the actions of the Taliban remain the same. Sucide bombs and other attacks which cause the loss of life and property continue unabated.

“This change in Taliban rhetoric is merely a tactic to rehabilitate the Taliban in the eyes of Afghans and of the world,” said Akhgar.